Printed in Women, Religion and Culture in Iran,
Eedited by Sarah Ansari and Vanessa Martin. London:
Curzon Press, 2001. Pp. 185-210.
PERCEPTIONS OF GENDER ROLES AMONG FEMALE IRANIAN IMMIGRANTS IN THE UNITED STATES
Ali Akbar Mahdi
Introduction
The Immigration and Nationality Act in 1965 changed the landscape of American
ethnic communities. Waves of new immigrants
came to the United States with new values, norms, languages, and religions quite different
from the ones in the past (Ungar, 1995). As
has been the case, the older immigrants have always worried about the economic, political,
and social impacts of the newcomers. The
demographic, occupational, and educational characters of the new immigrants have generated
new patterns of immigrant settlement, occupational mobility, and adaptation. These new patterns, along with the increasing
cultural pluralism and multicultural developments, have generated new concerns about the
wider and deeper impacts of immigration on the American population, namely male-female,
parent-child, and family-society relationships (Sowell, 1996). The persistence of ethnic families and their
impact on the cultural norms in the host society continue to remain a major concern of the
immigration studies (McAdoo, 1993; Fukuyama, 1994; Mindel, et. al, 1998).
Studies on gender roles within the immigrant family and perceptions of gender roles
among male and female immigrants are relatively new (Gabaccia, 1992; Hondagneu-Sotelo, 1994). Traditionally, sociologists have paid much
attention to the structure of the immigrant family, its pattern of adaptation, and its
mechanisms for survival in a new culture. Receiving
little attention is how male and female immigrants perceive the gender roles they bring
from the homeland as compared with those acquired in the host society. The emphasis on gender roles and power relations
underlying them connects the micro and macro analysis and helps us to understand how
ethnic values are mediated in the new host societies and what types of marital relations
might emerge (Guendelman and Perez-Itriago, 1987).
The Iranian immigrant family in the United States is one of the latest varieties of
the “ethnic family.” Given this
family’s high level of educational and professional achievement, the study of its
male-female relationships, pattern of labor division and power allocation, and perceptions
of gender roles warrant particular attention. Unfortunately,
literature on Iranian female immigrants is scanty. What
is available often consists of journalistic reports, ideological essays, or politically
oriented statements. Recently, scholars have
begun to study aspects of the Iranian immigrant family in the US (Abyaneh, 1986; Tohidi, 1993; Dallalfar, 1996
& 1994; Hanassab, 1991& 1998; Mahdi, 1999; Moallem, 1991; Mobasher, 1996;
Vatankhahi, 1991; Zarrinnejad, 1992).
This study will add to this nascent literature by elucidating how Iranian immigrant
women understand their gender roles within the family and society. Because these women left their homeland and had to
rebuild their lives in a new society, one must examine how their views about their own
roles and relationships inside and outside the family have evolved: Have Iranian immigrant women’s perceptions of
gender roles changed due to their geographical relocation and transformative experiences? Have they re-considered the issues surrounding
women’s status in response to political developments in their homeland during the
past two decades? Have these immigrant women
imported their traditional roles into their newly adopted environment? To what extent do their views on male-female
interactions, sexuality, marriage, divorce, gendered child-rearing, and religious commands
about women’s status differ from those they held in Iran? What do Iranian immigrant women think about the
traditions, values, and norms of their adopted society?
I will address these questions with reference to a survey conducted in the US
during 1995-1996. The survey included 149
randomly selected subjects. I asked women how
they perceive various gender roles in Iran and the United States, how they share tasks and
power within their families, as well as demographic questions pertaining to their social
status in the society. The data presented
here includes partial results of the sample and illuminates the views of Iranian women in
the United States and the shifts in their perspectives resulting from migration. This study demonstrates how Iranian women residing
outside their homeland have moved away from the traditional perspectives attributed to
them by some Iranian and Orientalist scholars.
Equally important, this study offers a forum for Iranian immigrant women to recount
their experiences and to explain their perceptions of the everyday realities they live. Listening to these voices is crucial, for these
women can and do express their own concerns -- rather than ceding that right to political
groups who claim to speak for them. We need
to learn first hand what attitudes, beliefs, concerns, and values these women have
regarding their roles in the private and public sphere.
The Study
In 1995, I mailed to 821 households in 41 states a questionnaire comprised of 113
questions. This questionnaire posed a range
of questions on decision making in the family, women’s attitudes towards female
gender roles in general, and their perceptions of gender roles in the United States and
Iran in particular. The results of this
survey paint a statistical picture of Iranian immigrant women who regard their roles
inside and outside home as different from those ascribed to them by the religious and
social norms of their homeland.
The Sample: The respondents included
Iranian females randomly drawn from addresses of one cultural and two scholarly
associations in the United States: The Iranian Cultural Society of Columbus, Ohio (680
addresses, 307 in Ohio, 373 in other states), the Middle East Studies Association (MESA),
and the Center for Iranian Research and Analysis (CIRA).
Although the latter two databases were biased because their records consisted of
highly educated social scientists, the addresses from the Iranian Cultural Society
contained a more diverse population. Drawing
from this database was weighted in order to include more non-academician subjects in the
sample. The selection of more subjects from
the latter would have skewed the sample towards a higher number of people from Ohio. However, an examination of completed
questionnaires shows a more diffused and distributed pattern among the subjects from
various states.
Of the total 821 questionnaires mailed to selected addresses, 26 were returned due
to incorrect addresses, and 52 were returned because there was no female at those
addresses. Of the 743 remaining
questionnaires, 158 (21.3%) were completed and returned.
Originally, I intended to include non-Iranian women married to Iranian husbands as
well as second-generation Iranian women who were born to Iranian families abroad. Although surveying such groups would provide an
interesting basis for measuring the effects of migration, bi-cultural tendencies, and
acculturation, the number of these respondents -- only 9 in the sample -- did not suffice
for meaningful measurement. Consequently, I
excluded non-Iranian and second-generation Iranian women from the study, leaving 149
completed questionnaires for analysis.
Profile of the Respondents: The
respondents are Iranian female immigrants who have lived in the US an average of 16.05
years (Median = 15.98). Close to half
(42.9%) of the sample are between the ages 31-40, and another 30.6% are between the ages
41-50 (See Table 1). A majority of them are
married (73.2%), have children (78.4%), work outside the home (77.9 %), and regard their
stay in the US as permanent (83.9 %). While
72.7% are Moslem, 14.4 % insist that they do not adhere to any religion (See Table 2).
Table 1: Respondents’ Age
Under 20 |
8.9% |
21-30 |
10.2 |
31-40 |
42.9 |
41-50 |
30.6 |
51-60 |
12.9 |
Above 60 |
2.7 |
|
|
N |
147 |
Table
2: Respondents’ Religious Affiliation
| Moslem | 72.7% |
| Baha’i | 4.3% |
| Christian | 5.8 |
| Jewish | 2.9 |
| Zoroastrian | 0.0 |
No religion |
14.4 |
| N | 139 |
Table 3 shows the occupational profile of the sample and national data on Iranian
females declaring Iranian ancestry in the 1990 US Census sampling. While the number of professors, physicians,
attorneys (professional specialty), nurses, researcher assistants, teachers, and
technologists (service) in the sample are proportionally very high, businesswomen and
corporate managers are under-represented. Although
this reflects a bias in the sample, the national data on employment of female Iranians in
the United States is neither accurate nor comparable with other ethnic groups in the
United States (See Bozorgmehr and Sabagh, 1988; Bozorgmehr, 1998).
Table 3: Occupational
Profile of Respondents and Iranian Women in the US
Occupational
Category Sample (1996) Female Iranians in US (1990)*
Managers
8.8%
14.8%
Professional Specialty
47.4
27.8
Sales
6.9
16.8
Clerical
1.9
19.1
Service
20.2
14.7
Crafts
6.1
3.2
Other Blue-collar
Workers
---
3.6
Housewife
7.0
---
Student 1.7
---
Total
100.0
100.0
Number of
* Source: US. Census, 1990, Public
Micro Samples (PUMS).
In terms of education, over 50.0% of respondents have graduate degrees, 32.9 %
bachelor degrees, and only 3.4 % have just a high school diploma (See Table 4). Respondents’ husbands were even more
educated, 72.6% possessing graduate degrees. While
respondents had a median family income of $60-75,000, their own individual income averaged
over $30,000 annually. Respondents earning
less than $10,000 comprised 13.0 % of the sample. Those
having no income also constituted 13.0% of the sample (See Table 5).
Table 4: Educational Profiles of
Respondents and Iranian Females in the United States
Ed. Level
Sample (1996)
US (1990)*
None
0.0%
--
Some Schooling
2.0
15.3
High School 3.4
21.8
Some
College
College
Graduates
82.9*
39.2
N
146
* Source: US. Census, 1990, Public Micro Samples (PUMS).
** This is sum of three categories:
Bachelors Degree 32.88%, Masters
Degree 26.71%, and Doctorate, 23.29%)
Table 5: Respondents’ Own and Household
Annual Income
Income in Dollars Respondents’ Own Income Household
None
13.0%
--
Under 5,000
7.2
--
5,001-10,000
5.8
--
10,001-15,000
5.1
Under 15,000
4.1
15,001-30,000
19.6
5.0
30,001-45,000
22.5
12.4
45,001-60,000
17.4
20.7
60,001-75,000
4.3
15.7
75,001-100,00
2.9
20.7
Above 100,000
2.2
21.5
N
138
121
Limitations of the Study
My efforts to generalize from the results of this research are subject to two
limitations. First, although the composition of the chosen sample is not too
uncharacteristic of the general Iranian population in the US, given the data bases used,
the sample is highly skewed towards a more
educated and professional population. Random
sampling using more mixed and diverse population lists might have produced a more
representative sample. As the data in Tables
3 and 4 indicate, the respondents are over-represented in categories of graduate degrees
and professional specialization. Yet I/we
must note that Iranian women in the US are not very representative of Iranian women in
general. Iranian immigrant women are a select
population possessing the educational and financial means to migrate to the US, and they
have achieved relatively high socio-economic status among immigrants overall.
Furthermore, this study does not take into
account the different migratory patterns among Iranian immigrants. The immigration experiences of Iranians have
differed depending on social class, educational background, ethnic identity, and gender. Different migration trajectories generate various
types of gender relations and roles. The
cultural norms, traditions, and values of a society are neither monolithic nor static. Even among people of the same country, such
factors as ethnicity, ideology, religion, and social class influence one’s view of
gender relationships. Although this study
does not reflect these factors, I must acknowledge that a larger number of subjects in
each of these categories might have shown observable differences in the views of women
from varying ethnic, religious, and socio-economic backgrounds. We already know that religious background makes a
difference in patterns of mate-selection and behavioral expectations in intimate
relationships among Iranians (Hanassab, 1991 and 1998).
Findings: Shifting Away from Traditional Values in
Search of New Roles and Rights
Examining answers to the questions about women’s roles in family and society,
I find that most Iranian immigrant women share a Western liberal view of women’s role
in society. They identify love as the primary
basis for marriage, consider the wearing of a veil as a restriction on women’s
freedom, and perceive women as equal with men in all aspects of private and social life. They overwhelmingly oppose governmental
involvement in defining rules for women’s clothing and restrictions on women’s
activities. While their views on women’s
sexual behavior are grounded in an Islamic perspective, they tend to reject religious
values as the sole guide for such behavior.
Immigrant women have strong opinions on various issues -- women’s abilities,
marriage, divorce, religious values, sexual freedom and interaction with men,
socialization of children, the women’s movement in the West, and career opportunities
for women. Their attitudes about veiling,
dating, government’s role in deciding women’s dress codes, and the stance of
Islam towards women, are generally negative. They
disapprove of how the Iran’s Islamic Republic has sought to define women’s
gender roles, deploring the status of women in their homeland.
With these broadly outlined findings in mind, I discuss below the perceptions of
Iranian immigrant women regarding seven issues -- veiling, marriage, divorce, women’s
rights, male-female relationships, gendered child rearing, and the influence of religion
on women’s lives. The following analysis
reports on the median and percentages of responses to a set of statements in a Likert-type
five-point scale: (1) Strongly Disagree, (2) Disagree, (3) Neutral, (4) Agree, and (5)
Strongly Agree.
1. Understanding Women’s Issues: A
consistent theme in the women studies literature is the specificity of women’s issues
and the lack of adequate understanding of these concerns by men. This theme does not escape Iranian female
immigrants. The respondents demonstrate
strong support for the statement that men do not have a clear understanding of
women’s problems (median = 4.16). Only a quarter of the sample is neutral or in
disagreement with the statement (See Table 6).
Table 6: Respondents' Beliefs about Women
and Men
Median Mode (%) N
* Women Equal to Men in Social and
Private Life
4.78 5
(69.2)
146
* Women Better at House Work
2.41 1
(30.4)
148
* Military Jobs Not Appropriate
2.73 3
(36.7)
147
* Women More Emotional
3.97
4
(34.5)
148
* Men Better Leaders
1.58 1
(48.3)
147
* Men More Ambitious
2.61 1
(30.8)
133
* Men Do Not Understand of Women’s
Problems
4.16 4
(43.5)
147
2. Equality of Men and Women: Iranian immigrant women agree strongly that men
and woman are equal and should be treated as such in both private and public life (Median
= 4.78). However, they are divided on
men’s and women’s skills and personality traits.
The median for the statement “women are naturally better at doing the house
chores” is 2.41. The same applies to
their views on the ambitiousness of men versus women.
The median for the statement “men are more ambitious than women” is 2.61. While they have reservations about what women can
or cannot do, they uniformly disagree with the statement that “men are better leaders
than women “ (Median = 1.58). Thus, while these immigrant women show a higher degree
of confidence in women’s abilities in public life, they have not completely abandoned
traditional notions of female skills and capabilities.
3. Feminism: Respondents were asked: “If we define
feminism as a movement in defense and support of women’s rights, with which of the
following would you identify yourself?” Responses to this question are found in Table
7. Responses included 7.6 % Islamic feminist,
20.4% secular feminist, and 62 % who are not feminist but support women’s rights. Women not identifying with any of the above
descriptions made up 9.2 % of the sample.
Respondents are also divided with regard to the relevance of feminism to the lives
of women in Iran. While close to 40% of the
sample see no relevance, another 40% feel just the opposite to be the case, and the
remaining 20% are unsure. Worth remembering
is the fact that a lack of identification with feminism does not mean that these women
oppose it. As responses in this survey
indicate, the majority of these women are strong supporters of what we may call feminist
ideals as defined in the West. The majority
of these immigrants do not identify with the label of “feminism,” but more than
half of them think that feminism has done more good than harm for Western women.
However, their support for women’s rights does not translate into an embrace
of feminism, as indicated by these women’s responses to open-ended questions at the
end of survey -- asking them to compare the status of women in Iran and the United States. Although these women believe in male-female
equality and in the opportunities provided to women to enhance their status in society,
they are not enthusiastic about the individualistic demands characterizing Western
feminism.
Table 7: Respondents’ Identification
with Regard to the Label “Feminist”
Secular Feminist
20.4%
Islamic Feminist
7.7
Anti-Feminist
0.7
Not Feminist but Support
Women’s Rights
62.0
Other
9.1
N
142
4. Islam, the Islamic Government, and Control
over Women’s Lives: Islam is a comprehensive religion; life in both private and
public spheres is regulated for the pious Muslim. The rights of the individual are
subordinated to the welfare of the society. In
the case of women, this takes a special meaning because women’s and men’s rights
are perceived differently. Apart from the
major differences in biology, capabilities, and responsibilities delineated in the
Qur’an, Islamic jurisprudence (Shari`a) and
religious traditions have elaborated on these differences, outlining specific roles for
women and men in their private and public lives (Motahhari, 1976/1357).
Consequently, this researcher wanted to discover whether and to what extent Iranian
immigrant women agree with general religious imperatives regarding female roles in the
family and society. In light of the
post-revolutionary Iranian leadership’s efforts to re-define women’s rights and
roles according to Islam, I sought to find out how the respondents feel about these
developments in their homeland. Since the
revolution of 1978-79, the Iranian leadership has passed laws restricting women’s
clothing, relationships with men, presence in public sphere, choice of occupation and
profession, as well as their rights to marriage, divorce, and inheritance (Vahidi,
1994/1373).
Answers to a series of questions on Islam’s treatment of women and its role in
guiding women’s sexual behaviors, suggest that Iranian immigrant women object to
governmental regulation of women’s clothing in public (See Table 8). The immigrant women are almost unanimous on this
issue, more than on any other (Median = 1.18). Only
about eight percent of respondents favor governmental involvement in deciding what women
should wear in public. Another major area of
agreement is the question of fairness in Islam’s treatment of women. Distinguishing between fairness and respect, about
half (51.2%) think that Islam does not treat women respectfully, and over two-thirds
(69.6%) that Islam treats women unequally (Median = 1.28).
Some 70% of immigrant women disagree that religion should guide a woman’s
sexual behavior. They opine that women should
have a voice in the interpretation of what religious texts say about them. On the issue of
whether a Muslim woman should be able to marry a man of different religion, a taboo among
devout Muslims, the majority of immigrant women are in favor; 65% agreed and 7.7%
disagree. Regarding the status of women in
the Islamic Republic of Iran, immigrant women are almost unanimously negative. 85% of the sample concurred that Iranian women are
worse off under the Islamic Republic than under the Shah’s rule. Only 7.1% rejected this assessment.
Table 8: Respondents' Views on Islamic Laws
and Government
(1= Strong Disagree, 2= Disagree, 3=
Neutral, 4= Agree, 5= Strongly Agree)
Median Mode (%) N
* Islam Fair to Women
1.28 1
(64.4)
143
* Islam Respects Women
2.20 1
(35.4)
144
* Women Should Have a Say
in Interpreting Religious Texts
4.38 5
(46.4)
138
* Government to Decide Women’s
Dress in Public
1.18 1
(73.2)
143
* Women Better under the Islamic
Republic
than under the Shah
1.26 1
(65.7)
140
* Religion Should Guide Women’s
Sexual Behavior
1.60 1
(47.9)
144
* Should Not Marry a Non-Muslim
1.86 1
(41.3)
143
5. Love, Sex, and Relationships: The
issues of love, sex, and relationships between men and women generate much controversy
within the immigrant population. Traditional
Iranian family has not given primacy to love as the only basis for initiating marriage or
to individual satisfaction as the main reason for continuing a marital union. Social class, tribal nexus, political alliance,
and status mobility were among some of the major factors influencing marital selections
(Mahdi, 1975). Moving from a traditional setting in which sexual and intimate issues are
private in nature, these immigrant women find themselves in a society that approaches
these issues both openly and differently. While
most immigrants have shifted away from traditional Iranian views of love, marriage, and
sexual relationships outside marriage, many are still ambivalent about these issues. Many profess modern attitudes while still
continuing traditional practices.
For instance, at the time of marriage most people identify love as the major
criterion for entering into the relationship. However,
in reality it is not the major factor determining marriages, especially among the more
traditional sectors of various socio-cultural groups in Iran. This survey reveals that the ideal of love as the
principal determinant in a relationship is slowly taking hold among female immigrants but
not yet fully. While over half of the sample
(54.4%) see love as a basis for marriage, almost a third (29.4%) adopts a neutral stand on
this issue. Moreover, while
three-quarters of the respondents concur that there should be no difference in the amount
of sexual freedom for men and women -- 8.33% disagree, and close to 20% are not sure about
this matter -- they disagree about the effects of sexual freedom on society. Close to half of the respondents (47.2%) believe
that sexual freedom harms both the individual and society, whereas 33.1% think the
opposite and 19.72% are unsure. This same
pattern is evident in respondents’ opinions about the demonstration of intimate
affection in public arena, even between a husband and wife. While half (49.7%)
of the respondents approve of such behavior, slightly over a quarter (28.7%) disapproves,
and 21.7% take a neutral position.
6. Dating, Marriage, Divorce, and Husbands:
As I have mentioned, more than half the respondents (54.4%) regard love as the principal
determinant in a marriage. Although not
unanimous on this issue, they overwhelmingly agree that a woman has the right to decide
whether, when, and whom she wants to marry (92.42%).
While they are more supportive of dating prior to marriage --61.1% approving versus
16% disapproving -- their opinions of non-martial sexual relationships between a woman and
a trusted male friend is more mixed. While
40.9% approve of such relationships, 43.8% disapprove, and 15.3% are neutral. This attitude is consistent with their mixed
responses to the idea of sexual freedom indicating that Iranian immigrants have not
discarded all their native norms. Many still
believe that the current inter-sexual practices in the United States leave women in a
vulnerable position and damage their future prospects for establishing a long-lasting
marital relationship.
Apparently, the respondents distinguish between adult and teenage dating -- a
distinction quite understandable in the context of the traditional Iranian culture. Yet they are more liberal about their
children’s sexual behavior than their own. Asked
whether teenage girls should be allowed to date, 59.9% agreed, 21.8% remained neutral, and
only 18.3% disagreed. However, when dating
assumes any sexual connotation, the approval rate drops significantly. In other words, most Iranian immigrant
mothers are willing to allow their female teenagers to date as long as it does not involve
sexual contacts.
As for relationships with their husbands, Iranian female immigrants are adamantly
opposed to traditional arrangements that stress hierarchy and division along public and
private lines. The majority (80.2%) disagrees
with the traditional view that a wife should generally obey her husband. This disagreement
increases when the issue is the physical punishment of women by husbands -- even if this
results from a woman’s own "disobedience."
They categorically reject the notion that a husband can physically punish his
disobedient wife by a rate of 97.2%. This is
true of not only “disobedience to husband” but also of “disobedience in the
form of refusal to sexual intercourse” – a behavior for which Islam allows
physical punishment by the husband. (See Ardalan and Khaksar,1373: 19).
Majority of Iranian immigrant women (78.3%) consider their satisfaction from
marriage, especially sexual satisfaction, as crucial for family stability, and 69.4%
regard their own careers no less important than their husbands’ career . The majority of them (53.7%) do not think that men
should be the primary bread-winners in the family, as opposed to 27.9% with a contrary
view. Only a few women have problems with
the notion of their husbands staying home to take care of their children -- an idea that
receives considerable disapproval by women and is generally
resented by men inside Iran. Just fewer than 7% of the respondents disagreed
with the proposition of men staying at home and raising children while their wives work;
78.5% agreed, and 14.6% remained neutral.
Finally, the women were dissatisfied with traditional Iranian kinship obligations
and arrangements in marriage. For example,
only 3.5% of respondents agreed with the statement that a married woman’s obligations
should include obeying her in-laws. Majority
of respondents attributed the success of their marriages in the host society to the
relative absence of interference by their in-laws. They
voiced the same disapproval towards the traditional division of property in marriage. When asked about property ownership and financial
assets owned by each partner, respondents were unanimous that property in the family
should be shared by husband and wife equally, and they favored a joint bank account 71.5%
agreed, 7% disagreed, and 21.5% were neutral.
For these respondents, divorce is the means of last resort for solving a family
dispute. Both Iranian cultural and Muslim
religious values discourage married couples from this practice. More importantly, women have traditionally been
expected to sacrifice their own personal satisfaction and welfare for the sake of their
family (Mostafavi, 1995/1374; Motahhari, 1976/1357).
Historically, Iranian women have stayed in bad marriages to preserve family honor
and save their children from the negative consequences of divorce. The data in this study indicates that the
negativity associated with the breakup of a marriage, at least in the case of a bad one,
is declining – a phenomenon taking place in Iran too (See Mir-Hosseini, 1997). The majority of respondents (81.8%) reject the
proposition that a woman should stay in an unhappy marriage. However, these women are still ambivalent about
terminating a bad marriage when a child’s welfare is involved. While half of
respondents agreed that having children should not shape the decision to terminate a bad
marriage, a third (30.7%) disagreed, and 12.9% did not indicate any preference. (See
Tables 9 and 11)
Table 9: Views on Love, Sexual Freedom, Marriage, and Divorce
(1= Strong Disagree, 2= Disagree, 3= Neutral, 4= Agree, 5= Strongly Agree)
Median
Mode (%) N
* Love a Determining Factor
3.62
4 (37.0)
138
* Obey Husband
1.48
1 (51.0) 143
* Physical Punishment
of Disobedient Wife
1.03
1 (95.1) 143
* Obeying In-laws
1.17
1 (74.8) 143
* Male Sexual Satisfaction
More Important for
Family Stability
1.44
1 (53.1)
143
* Having Joint Bank Account
4.24
5 (42.4) 144
* She Decides Her Marriage
4.78
5 (69.0) 145
* Pre-Marital Dating
3.86
4.5 (30.6) 44
* Child No Obstacle to
End a Bad Marriage
3.68
4 (35.0)
140
* Better Unhappy
than Divorced
1.36
1 (58.0)
143
* Wife’s Career
Secondary to His
1.72
1 (44.4)
144
7. Views about the Veil: The practice of veiling has provoked controversy
throughout this century both in and outside Iran.
During the twentieth century, Iranian women have been forced by their governments
to unveil and veil themselves; neither the veil's removal nor its use was voluntary. The
decision was arbitrary and imposed by the full force of law in both cases (Jafari, et.
al,1994; Mahdi, 1983). Consequently, I wished
to learn Iranian immigrant women’s views of this practice.
The data in Table 10 that the veil remains one of the most disliked aspects of the
Islamic approach to women’s public appearance. The
majority of respondents strongly disagree with the statement that the veil is good
protection for women -- 80%. The majority (73%) view the veil as an instrument
that impedes women’s movement. To many
of these respondents, the chador symbolizes
limitation and immobility, because it suppresses their physical and social abilities.
Table
10: Views about the Veil
(1= Strong Disagree, 2= Disagree, 3=
Neutral, 4= Agree, 5= Strongly Agree)
Median
Mode (%) N
* Veil as Good Protection
1.27
1 (64.8)
145
* Veil Limits Movement
4.47
5 (47.0)
142
* Women Should Determine
What They Wear in Public
4.76
5 (67.1) 147
Table 11: Views about Raising Children
(1= Strong Disagree, 2= Disagree, 3=
Neutral, 4= Agree, 5= Strongly Agree)
Median
Mode (%) N
* No Teenage Dating
2.23
2 (36.6) 142
* Socializing Daughters As Wife
3.32
4 (33.1)
142
* Sex-Neutral Child Raising
4.66
5 (59.7) 144
* Same Freedom for
Girls and
Boys at School 4.71
5 (62.9) 143
* Girls’ Participation in Sports
4.79
5 (70.6)
143
* Separation of
Boys and Girls at School
1.88
1 (42.3) 104
8. Views About Raising Children: The majority of respondents agree that children,
regardless of their sex, should be raised the same way -- 87.5%; enjoy the same amount of
freedom while attending school -- 92%, and be able to participate in competitive sports
such as volleyball and
basketball - 93%. The majority believe that girls’ and
boys’ schools should not be separated (See Table 11).
While Iranian immigrant women have become fairly liberal in their attitudes toward
raising their daughters, they have not completely broken away from the ideal of motherhood
as the principal and ultimate role for women. When
asked whether mothers should prepare their daughters for becoming good wives, a
cornerstone of the Islamic and traditional Iranian normative system (Haghjoo, 1371), the
responses were mixed. Although a third of the
respondents disagreed with such a view, 45.8% agreed, and 23.24% remained neutral. Asked whether motherhood is the highest status a
woman can achieve, another major aspect of the Islamic ideology, results were similar: 43%
agreed, 27.1% disagreed, and 29.9 remained neutral.
9. Women’s Status in the West and Iran: This research posed a series of questions to
elicit female immigrants’ responses to the Islamic ideology disseminated by their
government at home, and shared by many non-Iranian Islamists. I formulated these questions as statements
with four possible responses: “The
United States,” “Iran,” “Both,” and “Neither.” The respondents identified the society in which
the statement was most applicable, as shown in Table 12.
Arguably, the Iranian immigrant women’s perceptions of American women and
society are more realistic than those of their compatriots back home. These women live in the United States and closely
deal with the realities of gender relations in the West.
They have lost the idealistic views of both places.
They know and have experienced both societies.
To respondents in this survey, in terms of security in public arenas neither place
is adequately safe for women, though they acknowledge a higher degree of safety in Iran. As illustrated in Table 13, over a third of the
respondents considers public places in Iran and the US unsafe for women. Only a third, 28.8%, believe that public places in
Iran are safe for women, and a smaller group of 15.8% finds public places in both
countries safe.
Iranian immigrant women generally view Iran as an extremely restrictive society
that demeans women’s abilities and limits their movement, opportunities, and life
chances. When asked where women endure more
restrictions, a majority of 89.5% regard Iran as a more restrictive society. They agree strongly that women have more freedom
of choice in the USA – 89.6 per cent versus 11 per cent. (These percentages are the sums of those
percentages for each country with the percentage number for the “both”
category.) These women do not perceive as
much respect for women in Iran as in the USA -- 27.7 % versus 66.7%.
More than 83% of respondents disagreed with the statement that “Iranian women
have more chance of becoming socially successful in Iran than in the US.” (Median =
1.48) Close to half of respondents (46.5%)
sees neither the United States nor Iran as a society that gives men and women equal career
opportunities. Over half (52.1%) finds that
US is the society in which such opportunities are more likely. Only 8.5% of respondents think of Iran as the
only society with such equal opportunities. Female
immigrants agree that women’s work in Iran is not valued as much as men’s work
at a rate of 96.4%, but 63.3% endorse the fact that a man’s work in the US is also
valued more than women’s.
Regarding the harassment of working women, the majority believes that it occurs in
both societies -- 49.3%. Of the other
half, 4.4% thinks that it happens only in Iran, 29.7% believes that it takes place only in
the US, and 16.7% feel that it does not exist in either country. With respect to the objectification and
commodification of a woman’s body, as well as its cultural manipulation by the
cosmetic industry, a view widely held among Islamists (Haddad Adel, 1359, Khomeini, 1365,
Vol. 3: 101 and Vol. 2: 44; Javadi Amoli, 1369), although 45% of respondents agree with
the statement that “The West has really turned women into an extension of the
cosmetic industry,” they view Iranian society as a more likely place for the
treatment of women as sex objects -- 68.4% versus 61.2%.
However, they felt that women are more likely to be viewed as a source of sexual
provocation in the US -- 66.4% versus 53.2%. Women in the United States are also regarded to be
more obsessed with their physical appearance -- 73.2% versus 52.8%. These responses correspond with most comments made
by respondents – comments cited toward the end of this paper.
Finally, worth noting is that many immigrant women have adopted a feminist view of
American society and they demonstrated an increasing feminist consciousness. Close to 47%
of immigrants think that neither Iranian nor American women are given equal career
opportunities to compete with men. Close to a
third of them disagree with the stereotype among Middle Easterners that perhaps American
women are more obsessed with sex. Almost half of them believe that women in both societies
are sexually harassed in the workplace. Over a third of them do not find public places in
either society safe for women. Close to a
quarter of them think that women do not have enough freedom of choice in either country. Although the majority of Iranian women in the
sample dislike the Islamic Republic's policies regarding women’s status and
appreciate their enhanced socio-economic status in the United States, a sizable group
remain critical of women’s status in the host society as well.
Table 12: Perceptions of Women’s
Status in Iran and the US (Percentages)
IRAN US
BOTH NEITHER N
* Women have freedom
of choice.
0.7
79.3
10.3
9.7 145
* Women are usually
treated with respect.
9.2
48.2
18.5
24.1
141
* Women have to live with
more restrictions.
73.4
4.2
16.1 6.3
143
* Women are obsessed with their
physical appearance.
9.9
30.2
43
16.9
142
* Women are viewed as a source of
sexual provocation.
18.2
31.5
35
15.3
143
* Women are safe
in public places.
28.8
22.3
15.8
33.1
139
* Many working women are
sexually harassed.
4.4
29.7
49.3
16.6
138
* Women think too
much about sex.
0.7
55.6
12.7
31
142
* A man’s work is viewed
as more important
than women’s.
33.8
0.7
62.6
2.9
139
* Women are treated
as sex objects.
28.1
20.8
40.3
10.8
139
* Both men and women have
equal opportunity
for career success.
1.4
45.1
7
46.5
142
Table 13: Perceptions of Women’s
Status in Iran and the US
(1= Strong Disagree, 2= Disagree, 3=
Neutral, 4= Agree, 5= Strongly Agree)
Median
Mode(%) N
* Western Women as an Extension
of the Cosmetic Industry 3.26
4 (34.8) 141
* More Chance of Success for Women
in Iran than in the US
1.48
1 (51.0) 143
At the end of the survey, I requested that respondents offer their opinions on the
most important difference(s) they perceive between women’s roles in the US and Iran. Two-thirds of the sample addressed this question,
and the majority of them elaborated on wide differences between the two societies --
regarding Iranian women as largely deprived of their rights, and the US as a place where
opportunities are more readily available to women. Interestingly,
however, even the most negative evaluations of women’s status in Iran was followed by
some reservations about American women and their roles in the family. Below, I present the voices of these respondents
as divided into three categories -- those who have a positive, negative, or mixed view of
women's status in Iran. I selected
representative comments for each category. Worth remembering, however, is that these
statements represent the attitudes of some respondents, but not a statistically
significant position in the sample.
A) Positive view of women’s status in Iran:
Those who view what happens to women in Iran positively may themselves be
classified into two groups with opposing views about the status of women in the US. The first group regards women’s status
in the US very negatively and claims that, in the words of one respondent, “There is
a lot of myth about women’s freedom in the US. Women are more brainwashed in the US
by TV and other indirect means. In Iran, at
least, it is obvious and not unclear.” This
group sees American society as deceptive, hiding its patriarchal and exploitative
intentions behind seemingly civilized laws. Here are four representative statements:
“In Iran,
you have more support from your family; children are much more respectful; more emphasis
is put on a person’s social conduct, graciousness, honesty, etc. than on one’s
looks, social class, or sexuality; and there is a better sense of security (financial,
gender, health, etc.). In the United States,
there is too much individualism; women are less secure; families are less stable; and
there is too much excess in sexual relationships.”
“It is said that America is a civilized country. Is it? How much civility is there between blacks and whites? How did whites treat black women during slavery? As slave mistresses. White men continue to have the same view today. Since they cannot achieve their goals openly, now these men do so more subtly through the guise of sexual freedom, women’s liberation, and so on. This is not freedom. This is sexual exploitation. This is like making women walk into their own rape chamber.”
“Yes, women in America are free. Free to have sex. I am against this freedom of sex, make-up, and gaze. A woman, as a role model for her children, should be covered, both in appearance and in heart. She can get any job she wishes but she must not sell herself. She must cover herself. Of course, I do not mean covering her hair. I mean, she should not avail her body for male vultures to take what they wish.”
“There is something scary about American culture, especially for Iranian women who have female children. The last thing that an American girl is prepared for is marriage. Family has taken a back seat in this country and women are going to end up paying for this because they are the ones who are abused, raped, and divorced. Loneliness and promiscuity are the ultimate punishments God has ordained for these women.”
A second group adopts a more moderate position, conceding that the US provides
better educational and career opportunities to women.
However, they also contend that certain behavioral and normative patterns in the US
are detrimental to the status of women, family, and society. Iranian women lament the excessive individualism
and “self-centeredness” of the American society.
American women put their own desires and wishes ahead of those of their family. For this group of respondents, sacrifice,
self-denial, and morality are necessary personal qualities for motherhood:
“In general, Iranian women are
more concerned about the future. They put the
interests of their family before their own interests...They are more loyal to their
husbands/family and would stay in a `not-so-happy’ marriage for the sake of their
children and their family reputation.”
“In the US, women do not realize
that they have the power to keep the family together.
If a family is not successful in staying together, it is usually the woman who is
not flexible enough to forego some things in order to keep her family together. She has other priorities.”
“There are many differences. First, there is freedom, which is abundant in
America and lacking in Iran. Second, there
are opportunities for getting jobs and marrying someone based on love in America. Third,
there is decadence, of which America has a lot and Iran some. Where in Iran can you find
so many pregnant teenagers or children out of wedlock? America is a corrupt society.”
For these respondents, sacrifice for the sake of their children’s future,
loyalty to their husband, selflessness in marriage, and chastity among Iranian women gives
them a more dignified status than that enjoyed by American women. While many of the respondents believe that women
in Iran enjoy a higher degree of safety, respect, and dignity that are absent in the US,
they do oppose the government’s policies toward women in Iran. Many respondents prefer to blame traditions or
patriarchal interpretations of Islam for the problems confronted by Iranian women. As one respondent declared:
“In my
opinion, women’s status in Iran is not based on Islam.
What is being done to women is not based on Islam.
Those in the government misinterpret Islam and pay no attention to what God has
offered women in Qur'an. Indeed, women’s
status in Iran is deplorable because men choose not to allow women to live according to
Islam.”
B) Negative view of women’s status in Iran:
The majority of Iranian women in the US, represented in this study, view
women’s status in Iran negatively. Despite
their consensus on women’s status in Iran, they manifest opposing attitudes on the
status of women in the US. The
respondents fall clearly into religious and secular camps.
In discussing the difficulties and inadequacies of women’s status in Iran, the
secular group gives more weight to the role of religion and religious groups than to the
role of outdated traditions and inappropriate socialization by parents.
Although the majority speaks positively on women’s status in the US, a
minority espouses a much more radical view of what is happening in the host society. This minority, 79.3% of which perceives itself as
secular feminists, faults the US for its male domination in the political and legal
realms, sexist attitudes prevalent in society, discriminatory policies at the workplace,
and exploitation of females by the media and Hollywood.
This group’s language and reasoning about women's status in Iran are varied
and powerful. Below, I have cited by theme
representative comments by the respondents:
1. Women in Iran are treated as second-class citizens. They cannot think, act, and live for themselves. They have no voice.
Decisions are made for them.
“American women are more
independent, have more opportunities and roles in society, and are less inhibited than
Iranian women. They know what they want and can express their opinions and wishes freely
at home and in society. They are not
dominated by social norms, whereas Iranian women have to obey the rules set by society. Iranian women are under the influence of their
fathers, brothers, and husbands…. Important decisions are made by men, and women are
rarely consulted and listened to about issues that concern both partners.”
“In the US, women obviously
enjoy a higher degree of equality and have more control of their lives. However, this equality is mainly an illusion since
we all know that women are not paid equally for doing equal work and house work and
child-care is not divided between working couples. In
Iran, on the other hand, women, as second-class citizens and child-producing tools
(traditionally), enjoyed a temporary and shaky ‘equal-opportunity’ period in the
1970s. But that period is gone and the men
have managed, in the name of `Islamic respect
for women’ to push women back to the kitchen where they like to see them. In other words, women all over the world have a
long struggle ahead of them.”
2. Islamic laws are outdated, disrespectful, and unfair to women. While some regard these flaws as the result of
male clerical (mis-)interpretations of Islam and divest their religion from these
shortcomings, others believe that these features are inherent to Islam itself. The former group believes that the ruling clergy
has made a mockery of Islamic values and has turned the traditionally unfortunate
situation of women into misery.
“The difference is as wide as
the space between the earth and sky. In Iran,
a Muslim woman is forced to obey the oppressive, unequal, selfish rules of a womanizing,
discriminatory, and illiterate Arab called Muhammad.
She is treated like a commodity and is used as an instrument to satisfy the sexual
desires of men. She has less rights, respect,
and power than men and is viewed in the same light as retards, children, the penniless,
and criminals. Her desires and wishes do not
matter. I spit on this religion and these
laws. I damn this barbaric tribe who came to
Iran and turned this beautiful land of Mitra into a land of darkness and misery.”
“In today’s Iran in which
the Islamic laws are interpreted dogmatically and imposed by the wild, club-wielding
pasdaran [revolutionary guardsmen], the role of women is seen as being a `sexual member of
the family’ and a `foot-soldier for political rallies’ and theatrical political
shows. Women in the US have an active and
conscious role in society but in Iran they are an instrument for the government to make a
Zaynab or Fatima out of them for its own political propaganda. Women who are fooled into this exercise are not
representative of Iranian women but stand for the few poor or misguided people who are
forced to accept these conditions in order to receive a monthly salary.”
“Iranian women have no financial
security because of religious laws. This
insecurity prevents women from being able to gain equality with men. Even though I am a
Muslim woman, I think Iranian laws should be changed according to the time. Women should share family property. Even at the time of divorce, women should receive
equal share. The time has come for women to
unite and gain their rights.”
3. According to traditional Iranian
family values, women should serve as good wives and mothers, ignoring their own personal
growth.
“In Iran,
women are tied up with family matters and house chores. Family members, especially in-laws
dictate what a woman must do. When punished
by their husbands, American women can resort to shelters.
In Iran there are no shelters. You can
only go to your parent’s home. But
parents often refuse you safety and send you back to your husband with the expectation
that you give in to your husband’s desires and bear the burden of his abuse.”
4. Opportunities are limited, and
social and moral restrictions do not allow women to take advantage of even these limited
opportunities. Women do not have much choice
and freedom of action.
“For an Iranian woman,
restriction is the only framework within which she can think, feel, and act. Restricted at home by her parents or husband, and
outside by almost everyone and in every aspect of culture in every corner of the society. Violating these restrictions often costs her
dearly and may jeopardize her chances of even being recognized as a decent human. Iran is a land of kings, fathers, and boys and the
Iranian culture is the epitome of misogyny.”
5. Given the conditions of the Iranian women under the Islamic Republic, these
women do not have a promising, independent future. They
have been rendered dependent on men, the government, and religion for their identities --
a dependence that denies them the opportunity to chart their own course. The Islamic regime has reduced these women to saqir status -- the level of children.
“In America, men and women are
equal. But in Iran after the revolution, the
personality and rights of Iranian women have been reduced below the level of those of
animals. For example, look at the law of
diyeh (blood money). No explanation by
mullahs can justify this law and the way it treats women.”
“Iranian women have lost all
their rights. They need their parents’
permission for attending school and getting married.
They need their husbands’ permission for working outside of home or traveling
outside of the country. Their husbands are
privileged in divorce proceeding and child custody laws.
Their brothers are privileged in receiving family inheritance. There is one thing that these women are privileged
with in this world: Become a mother and be told that God has reserved the heaven for
you!”
6. The hejab or practice of veiling has
reduced these women to a dark, shadowy, and invisible element in society without an
identity of their own.
“In Iran
women are more limited in the society. No freedom of speech and action. They have to cover themselves with hejab -- an
antiquated tradition from dark ages. They
are punished with garment, even in the most tropical areas and in the hottest days of
summer, simply because they are women and men cannot stop being whimsical.”
7. Men’s behavior towards women is aggressive, disrespectful, and often
domineering. Spouse abuse is abundant and
physical punishment is common, especially among less educated and rural men. Iranian men are chauvinist, even when they pretend
to be feminist.
“Iranian
society expects women to sacrifice themselves for men and forego their rights. A woman cannot claim an independent existence
after marriage, and serves only to satisfy men’s physical and sexual needs. When hungry and in need, everyone in the family
turns to her. Iranian men, no matter how
educated they are, still think like their fathers, unless they are born with a grain of
social justice…. Iranian women cannot escape from the monstrous presence of their
husbands and the ghost of their family…. These men are spoiled by their mothers who
expect their in-laws to care for their sons in the same manner. These men pretend that they are considerate,
understanding, and egalitarian. They are
wolves in lamb’s clothing.”
8. Iranian society treats widows and single women harshly and unfairly. Since women’s roles are defined within the
context of family, those women who do not have or are not able to maintain a family are
marginalized and viewed with suspicion and disrespect.
“In
America, you are viewed first as a person, then as a woman, then as a married person,
regardless of having any children or not. In
Iran, you are first a woman, then a wife, and finally a mother. If single or divorced, then you are the victim of
gossip and accusation, a prey for sexual predators, and a wretch worthy of everyone’s
pity.”
C) Mixed views on the status of women in Iran and the US: A third group of respondents adopts a
middle-ground position, emphasizing the positive and negative aspects of both societies
for women. They believe that Iranian women
are capable, smart, and independent. They
think that women will take advantage of opportunities if and when they find them. This group argues that opportunities for and
restrictions on women’s activities may be found in both Iran and the US. What matters is the recognition of women’s
capabilities.
This third group contends that Iranian women in the US have lost sight of the fact
that much of what is offered to women in the US is illusive and often harmful to
women’s dignity. “Iranian women in
the US,” says one respondent, “pay too much attention to appearances and ignore
facts.” The US has taken steps towards
removing inequalities experienced by women, but it has made mistakes on the way such as
“... overt feminism and getting hung up on the sex-related issues only. It still has
ways to go to reach the true meaning of equality.”
Some are more concerned about broader issues such as excessive individualism and
independence, the erosion of family values, and the lack of respect for adult authority. These respondents are often even-handed in their
criticisms of women’s status in both societies.
While some blame the cultural and social structures of both societies, others put
more stress on women’s agency and volition in altering their own situations.
“As an Iranian-American woman, I
think that I have faced sexism in both cultures. While
sexism may seem more blatant in the Iranian culture, I would contend that life in the US
with its capitalist culture and excessive individualism presents challenges to Iranian
women as well.”
“In the United States women live
under a civic religion which legally establishes the ideal of equality. However, equality can never be achieved. Men and women are different. As a result of this `paper equality’ women
are free to try to establish a semblance of this in society. In Iran, Islamic law (as opposed to Islam itself)
constricts and devalues women. Women are kept under by those claiming a certain
understanding of Islam. However, these people
are using selective interpretations by men insecure in their control in the public arena
and therefore seeking to achieve a greater degree of control in private arena…Both
societies are flawed. The goal of both should
be `gender parity’ rather than `gender equality.’”
Conclusion: Iranian Women Immigrants,
Defying Stereotypes
The public perception of Iranian women in the US, especially after the revolution,
has been largely negative. At least three
factors have contributed to this perception of Iranian women -- the takeover of the
American Embassy in Tehran in 1979; Betty Mahmoudi’s book, Not Without My Daughter, then a film based on this
book; and the persistent images of Iranian women marching on the streets of Tehran
chanting anti-American slogans. Iranian women
seemed like backward masses cloaked in the darkness of a chador and traditional beliefs.
The dominant religious and cultural discourse in Iranian society has consistently
promoted conservatism in gender and sexual relations (Shahidian, 1996). However, this discourse reflects neither the
realities of Iranian society, past or present, nor the views of Iranian women, in or
outside of the country. Regarding Iranian
women, there is a discrepancy between the ideology and reality, the ideal and the actual
state of affairs, both inside and outside of Iran. While
Islamic rules forbid pre- and extra-marital affairs, they have always occurred in Iran,
although in varying degrees and indifferent forms.
At a structural level, the political and economic developments of 1970s and the
subsequent political mobilization of women during and after the revolution have had
profound effects on gender relationships in Iran. In
the late Pahlavi period, despite the popular belief and ideological claims of
traditionalist sectors within society, the increasing presence of the women in the labor
force and educational institutions, coupled with more progressive family laws, altered
gender relations irrevocably (Mirani, 1983).
Although the revolution and subsequent reinvigoration of private and public
patriarchy by the ruling clergy resulted in the rolling back of female rights, these
events also accelerated changes in gender relations, requiring greater determination on
the part of women. Arguably, the revolution
itself has unleashed an unprecedented level of awareness, energy, and vision among women,
as evidenced by their cultural and political activities in Iran (See Paidar, 1995; Mahdi,
2000). Even in today’s Islamized Iran, women believe in and demand much more freedom
in their relationships with their male counterparts in and outside the home (See Mahdi,
1995, Hooglund, 1995, and Rouleau, 1995).
The attitudes of Iranian women in the United States, as represented in this study,
defy the stereotypes found in the Western societies.
Although some of these women are ambivalent about gender roles and relations in the
US, they clearly hold more liberal views than their counterparts in Iran, even more
liberal than their husbands’ opinions of these matters (Ghaffarian, 1987). They are generally supportive of gender equality
in the family as well as in society. They
perceive gender distinctions as increasingly less relevant to their lives, especially as
it relates to occupation, property ownership, child-care, decision-making, and
power-sharing in and outside home. They
generally disapprove of traditional restrictions on women’s social and physical
mobility, especially the veil. They favor more egalitarian relationships between spouses
and are disdainful of any interference by outside forces -- whether religion, government,
parents, or in-laws.
Iranian immigrant women lament the status of Iranian women in the Islamic Republic.
They regard their departure from Iran as a form of liberation from various restrictions
imposed on them by cultural traditions, social customs, and theocratic government. Most of these women consider Iranian society
traditional with regard to sex, dating, marriage, divorce, and gender relationships. Most espouse liberal attitudes of gender
relationships, sexuality, and female status in the society.
Although they believe that Islamic societies have treated women unfairly, they are
divided on whether this injustice is due to Islam itself or male (mis-)interpretations of
the Islamic scriptures.
Despite their liberal attitudes, Iranian women immigrants have neither abandoned
all their cultural values nor accepted all elements of the dominant value system governing
gender relations in the United States. Iranian
immigrant women have similar concerns about their roles within the family and the larger
society as women in Western societies, but they are more cautious and selective in their
embrace of feminism as a model for redressing gender inequality within the Iranian family.
While supporting women’s rights, most of them do not call themselves
“feminist.” Many criticize the
individualism of American women, believing that more sacrifice and dedication preserves a
marriage, especially when there are children involved.
Although they value the egalitarian relations between male and females, they are
more ambivalent about the degree of sexual interaction, especially among their teenagers. They proclaim egalitarian attitudes towards the
sexes but do not necessarily translate these into specific actions in various aspects of
their lives. There is a gap, albeit a
declining one, between these women’s attitudes and their behavior, as demonstrated in
their gendered approaches to female education and socialization.
Migration has been a source of autonomy for these women, providing them with better
opportunities for education, employment, personal freedom, and even divorce from difficult
marriages. These women depend less on their
husbands as they gain their own income, reduce or suspend obligations to their
husbands’ families, and escape the patriarchal control of their own immediate
families. As other researchers have
demonstrated (Kamalkhani, 1988; Bauer, 1991; Tohidi, 1993), migration to new lands has
meant a breakdown of traditional norms for Iranian women.
All in all, while Iranian immigrant women are moving away from traditional
understandings of gender roles and sexuality, they are developing their own unique
synthesis of attributes and values representing the cultural realities of both their past
and present. The cultural and social
characteristics of their newly adopted society and the structural fragility of their
identities in a liminal zone allow them to pick and choose freely from their inherited and
adopted realities (Naficy, 1993; Mahdi, 1998). The
challenge for researchers is to gain a better understanding of these women’s
identities and to measure the extent to which their attitudes are translated into
practice. Further research is necessary to understand marital arrangements between these
immigrants and their husbands, how they renegotiate and
restructure the original relationships, and what kind of identities they develop
for themselves both in and outside of both their families of orientation and reproduction.
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